Source: THE MOSCOW TIMES. February 17, 2017
At
last year’s Munich Security Conference — a traditional get together for
the transatlantic alliance — Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev
delivered a stark warning. It was time for the West to end sanction, he
said, and join forces in a civilizational battle against radical Islam.
“It is either us or them,” Medvedev intoned. “It is time for everyone to realize this.”
His
call fell on wearied, and unsympathetic ears. 2016 was a trying time
for many of the attendees, after all. Russia’s actions in Syria
exacerbated a migrant crisis sweeping Europe. Ukraine continued to pose a
security dilemma. U.S. global leadership was under question.
Doing
his best to calm the West’s collective nerves, then Secretary of State
John Kerry in turn took the stage. He assured them Washington would not
abandon its security commitments to Europe.
Today,
Kerry is gone. And the transatlantic community is waiting with baited
breath to find out what Trump’s administration will bring. The 2017
conference, taking place Feb. 17- 19, is expected to shed first light on
that. Trump is sending his A-Team: Vice President Mike Pence, Defense
Secretary James Mattis and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson.
Trump’s
delegation was also expected to feature former National Security
Advisor Michael Flynn. But Flynn dramatically resigned his post on Feb.
14, over allegations he illegally contacted Russian officials.
Flynn
was among the strongest voices pushing for a “reset” with Russia. It is
not clear yet what impact the resignation will have on U.S. policy. But
signals from Washington suggest the White House was already leaning
toward continuity: sanctions on Russia and support for NATO.
The
2017 conference also marks the 10-year anniversary of Russian President
Vladimir Putin’s infamous speech in which he set out an aggressive
expression of Moscow’s worldview. He railed against NATO, U.S. hegemony,
democracy-promotion, missile defense, and the militarization of outer
space.
Observers
were shocked by his candor. But for Putin, it was the start of an
assertive Russian foreign policy designed to return Russia to its
“rightful” role in the world. “It is hardly necessary to provoke us,” he
said. “Russia has a history of more than 1000 years, and it has always
had the privilege of carrying out an independent foreign policy. We are
not going to change this tradition today.”
Ten
years on, Putin’s belligerent words feel prescient. But while Moscow
has used force to gain outsized influence over international affairs, it
has yet to drive a wedge between NATO allies. In fact Putin,
ironically, reinvigorated NATO. In Trump, Moscow saw an unexpected
opportunity to undermine the alliance. Trump himself appeared to
sympathize with some of Russia’s foreign policy concerns.
But
in appearing too eager for a detente with Trump, Russia may have again
missed its opportunity. Moscow’s support for Trump seems to have become a
political liability. It was not Flynn’s controversial views on Islam
that proved to be his undoing, but ties with Russia.
Moscow’s
elation over Trump was already beginning to show signs of wear before
Flynn’s resignation. The Kremlin’s objectives for the 2017 Munich
Conference now appear to be conservative. The senior representative on
Russia’s delegation will be Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. Lavrov is
not a policymaker. He will instead be there only to meet his U.S.
counterpart, Tillerson. The two will first meet in Bonn.
“Russia
will not be saying anything new,” says Alexander Gabuev, an expert in
Russian foreign policy at the Carnegie Moscow Center think tank. “They
will be there to listen to what the Americans have to say.”
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