Source: The Moscow Times April 1, 2017
In the newsroom of Russia’s
most respected business newspaper, editors and reporters are in a tense
face-off with the paper’s owner Demyan Kudryavtsev (who also publishes
The Moscow Times). He has just announced the name of their new
editor-in-chief — an appointment that should reflect the paper’s
editorial standards. But the mood is sour.
Why
bring in someone from outside the newsroom? Why someone from state
television? What guarantee will there be of editorial independence? “Do
you realize the first thing people will say?” one emotional staff member
asks. “‘Vedomosti is going to be led by someone from Channel One!’”
On
the one hand, Tatyana Lysova’s successor was always going to face a
newsroom of skepticism. The veteran editor spent more than 15 years
meticulously curating its salmon-pink pages. To her staff and readers,
she was a lone beacon of editorial independence in an increasingly
hostile environment.
To many, her
replacement is a symbol of that hostility. Ilya Bulavinov was head of
Internet broadcasting at Channel One, a television channel that many
consider a prime example of Russian state media’s flexible attitude
toward fact and fiction.
His
appointment might seem unusual for a paper that pioneered Russia’s
transition to a free press after the fall of the Soviet Union. But it
fits into a broader trend of recent ownership swaps, legal battles, and
staff reshuffles at Russian media outlets—in what some see as a Kremlin
campaign to silence critical voices.
Not business as usual
In
a landscape where government and business interests held sway, it took
an outsider to found Russia’s first independent business paper.
Dutch
entrepreneur Derk Sauer had come to Russia in the nineties and set up
the successful publishing house Independent Media, which printed several
titles, including The Moscow Times.
Sauer saw another niche that needed filling: business journalism unbeholden to external interests.
With
Russia’s hungry transition to capitalism came a new class of
entrepreneurs who wanted to stay informed. Besides, Russia’s only other
business newspaper, Kommersant, was broadening its coverage, leaving
room for a hard business paper. Kommersant had also been bought by Boris
Berezovsky, Russia’s kingpin oligarch, who, like many of his peers, saw
the media as a tool of influence.
Sauer
named Vedomosti after Russia’s first newspaper, an 18th century
bulletin founded by Peter the Great. “It had to sound as if it had been
around for hundreds of years,” he says over a plate of fries at a
central Moscow cafe. But the Moscow billboards announcing the paper’s
launch in 1999 spoke of a sharp break with the past: “Any oligarch can
buy our newspaper—at a kiosk.”
Rather
than act as the Soviet regime’s propaganda tool or an oligarch’s
playtoy, Vedomosti would promote a novel idea. “The message was: we’re
independent,” says Sauer.
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